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SPEAKING FREELY
The perilous Tokyo-Pyongyang rift
By Yoshinori Takeda

Speaking Freely is an Asia Times Online feature that allows guest writers to have their say. Please click here if you are interested in contributing.

Last month North Koreans at the Japan-North Korea working-level consultations handed over to Japan human remains said to be those of Megumi Yokota, a Japanese abductee. According to Pyongyang, Megumi Yokota had committed suicide; a man claiming to be her husband had dug up her grave two and a half years ago, had cremated her remains and had kept them in his house. This assertion was proved to be totally false; as a result of DNA testing, the human remains brought from Pyongyang to Japan were shown not to be those of Megumi Yokota, but of two other people. The shocking announcement by Chief Cabinet Secretary Hiroyuki Hosoda on December 8 put the two edgy neighbors, which have no diplomatic relations, at loggerheads once again.

Japanese distrust of North Korea is deep-rooted, and this recent incident caused a furious reaction in Japan. Words such as "atrocity" and phrases such as "turned Japanese to ridicule" and "cannot understand North Korea with common sense" hit the headlines of Japanese newspapers. A public-opinion poll showed that more than 70% of the Japanese people supported the imposition of economic sanctions against North Korea. Japan is North Korea's third-largest trading partner after China and South Korea. Additionally, remittances from pro-Pyongyang Koreans and Japanese in Japan, reported to amount to tens of billions of yen annually, are a major source of income for Pyongyang. Japanese sanctions could have a serious economic impact on North Korea, should Tokyo decide to invoke them.

Since September 2002, when Kim Jong-il, the chairman of the National Defense Commission of the Democratic People's Republic of Korea (DPRK), acknowledged that the abduction of Japanese nationals had been the work of North Korean government agents in the past and offered his apologies, North Korea's attitude toward Japan has been ambiguous. Of the 15 Japanese citizens kidnapped by North Korean agents in the 1970s and '80s, only five have returned to Japan; 10 abductees remain unaccounted for. North Korea claims that eight have died and that the other two never entered the country. In May this year, when Japanese Prime Minister Junichiro Koizumi made his second one-day trip to Pyongyang, Kim promised he would reopen the investigation of the abduction issue. After that summit, the Japan-North Korea working-level consultations began.

Most likely, the North Korean government knows the whereabouts of the 10 missing Japanese citizens. Were Kim Jong-il serious about providing more information, he probably could do so. The North Korean leader, however, has not wanted to throw away such an important card, containing information with which he could deal with the Japanese government.

By providing false information and bogus evidence, North Korea lost this precious card. The furious Japanese no longer have any intention of going along with North Korea's dilatory tactics. The Japanese Diet, or parliament, is working on a resolution that would require the government to stop humanitarian food aid and impose economic sanctions against North Korea. At the Japan-DPRK summit last May, Koizumi attached the condition that as long as Pyongyang faithfully discharged its obligations under the Pyongyang Declaration signed by the two leaders in September 2002, Japan would not implement economic sanctions against North Korea. Now, the Japanese government, which had not considered the North Korean nuclear program a violation of the 2002 declaration, has opened the door to economic sanctions. Japanese Foreign Minister Nobutaka Machimura has lodged a formal protest against North Korea, declaring that this phony investigation was contrary to the spirit of the Pyongyang Declaration.

At the present time, the following two developments should be watched closely.

  • First, the current incident has had a negative impact on the bilateral relations between Japan and North Korea. Even if Pyongyang admits that the North Korean side provided falsified information about Megumi Yokota and the other missing Japanese abductees and apologized for its faults, Japanese public opinion would almost certainly require the government to deal with North Korea firmly. Stiff measures, including economic sanctions, could be demanded. Pyongyang has repeatedly criticized Japan for threatening North Korea with the economic-sanction card, stating that it would consider such unilateral action by Japan a declaration of war.

    If Pyongyang wants to get out of this deadlocked situation and advance normalization talks with Japan, there remain only a few effective measures for North Korea, which has very limited diplomatic resources. One way would be to invite Machimura to Pyongyang or arrange talks with Kim Yong-nam, president of the Presidium of the Supreme People's Assembly of the DPRK, in, for example, Beijing. If this kind of ministerial meeting were arranged, North Korea could prepare more accurate data and evidence on the abductees by this "deadline".

    The only other way would be for Kim Jong-il to visit Tokyo with accurate information about the missing abductees. This action could cause serious damage to Kim's regime, however, because one of its main principles has been antagonism toward Japan, and it could mean the loss of all of Pyongyang's political cards for dealing with the Japanese. Yet normalization with Japan and the consequent substantial economic and financial aid by Tokyo would be important keys for North Korea, which has barely managed to survive over the past several years.
  • Second, a further straining of relations between Japan and North Korea could not avoid having a negative influence on the six-party talks aimed at ending North Korea's nuclear program and involving both Koreas, China, Japan, Russia and the United States. These have been postponed principally because of North Korea's reluctance to participate. Pyongyang would require removing Japan from the multilateral negotiation table if Tokyo imposed sanctions, and this attitude would further delay the next round of the still-unscheduled talks. If the United States sticks to a multilateral forum for resolving the North Korean nuclear crisis, a stalemate in the six-party talks means a suspension of the settlement of the nuclear issue, which poses a grave security concern for Northeast Asian countries.

    A lack of normal diplomatic relations between Japan and North Korea (and the United States and North Korea), as well as mutual distrust, makes the development of multilateralism in Northeast Asia extremely difficult. The next step by Japan and North Korea is important, not only for their future but also for the six-party talks, the first multilateral forum with the participation of all regional states in Northeast Asia.

    Yoshinori Takeda is an associate at the Institute for the Study of Diplomacy, Georgetown University. He can be contacted at yt75@georgetown.edu.

    (Copyright 2004 Yoshinori Takeda.)

    Speaking Freely is an Asia Times Online feature that allows guest writers to have their say. Please click here if you are interested in contributing.


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