The School's window on the world of the foreign affairs practitioner.

 

Robert L. Gallucci, SFS Dean, and Janne Nolan

Robert L. Gallucci, SFS Dean, and Janne E. Nolan

Michael Green

Michael Green

Security and Diplomacy in the 21st Century

Dr. Janne E. Nolan
Project Chair

The efforts of the Discourse, Dissent and Strategic Surprise working group underscored the need for reforms not just in the intelligence community, as has been widely advocated since 9/11, but to redress shortcomings in the policy-making process as well. To this end, the Institute for the Study of Diplomacy has launched a new study to identify systemic weaknesses in the way the U.S. government integrates intelligence support, diplomacy, and policy implementation in the management of international security problems. An experienced group of former policymakers and specialists, many of whom served on the previous panel and once again chaired by Janne Nolan at ISD, is drawing lessons from recent historical cases of regional nuclear proliferation. The objective is to produce recommendations for improving the way intelligence informs policy choices to help sustain effective initiatives aimed at achieving desired security outcomes in the 21st century.

The study, generously supported by the John D. and Catherine T. MacArthur Foundation, is examining four cases of governmental efforts to address the rising threat of nuclear proliferation, including North Korea, South Asia (with the study of India and Pakistan combined in one case), Libya and Iran. By examining the relative strengths and weaknesses of U.S. nonproliferation strategies as they applied in these cases, this inquiry will help policy-makers to identify improvements in policy and intelligence processes that may be needed to support successful American initiatives to counter complex regional and global security threats, currently and in the future.

Core Project Themes and Questions

In the 21st century, dealing with states that are proliferating is no longer the only concern. The spread of transnational terrorist groups and the growing problems posed by insurgencies operating in Iraq has demonstrated the ability of actors armed with rudimentary weapons or with the use of suicide bombers to inflict serious damage on American interests. The threat posed by the spread of nuclear technologies increases exponentially when one considers the potential consequences of a nuclear weapon in the hands of belligerents who have committed themselves to a violent, anti-Western global Jihad.

This shift in the perception of the importance of proliferation threats has prompted a range of new military and other coercive instruments to contain states with nuclear ambitions. The limitations of coercive instruments alone to induce nuclear restraint, however, including air strikes or sanctions, have created urgent requirements for other instruments of dissuasion, including bilateral and multilateral diplomacy. Countering 21st century global proliferation imposes new demands on policy-makers to devise policies which go beyond the long-standing efforts to persuade states to accede to and comply with the international non-proliferation regime, as embodied in the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty. As such, the U.S. has found it necessary to try to overcome long-standing domestic skepticism about engaging enemies diplomatically and to promote new far-reaching and innovative instruments needed to persuade states to forgo nuclear ambitions. It is to these ends that we undertake a study of potential reforms in the policy and intelligence processes that will be needed to ensure future success. U.S. efforts to stop the spread of nuclear programs is a good way to examine broader questions about how to deal with the complex security environment of the 21st century.

The Study Group is examining four cases of nuclear diplomacy that cover a diverse spectrum of policy and intelligence gathering results:

  • North Korea (since 1990), where the interaction of U.S. intelligence and diplomacy in support of a policy of engagement aimed at containing the regime's nuclear program has produced widely variable results, depending on the timeframe and the degree to which coercive and cooperative instruments were favored at different times;
  • India and Pakistan (since 1998), which together represent intelligence, diplomatic and policy shortcomings arising from inconsistent (sometimes contradictory) strategies to engage these states over the issue of nuclear non-proliferation, ultimately leading to a failure to prevent the nuclearization of this region;
  • Libya (1991-2005), where policy diplomacy and intelligence worked in synergy to support active, back-channel extensive interaction with the Qaddafi regime, contributing to a successful case of counter-proliferation and disarmament; and
  • Iran (since 1980), where the record of American policy to dissuade Iranian nuclear ambitions has been inconsistent over a long time frame through the predominant approach of isolation and containment appears to be failing, reflecting a decision at senior levels to pursue a policy that eschews direct engagement.
  • The Study Group so far has met to examine North Korea (February 27, 2007) and South Asia (June 5, 2007) case studies.

    Reports

    U.S. Strategy to Stem North Korea's Nuclear Program: Assessing the Clinton and Bush Legacies, Working Group Report Number One, February 20, 2007

    India, Pakistan and American Nuclear Diplomacy, Working Group Report Number Two, June 5, 2007

    Project Chair

    Dr. Janne E. Nolan, a former national security official in the State Department and a staff representative to the Senate Armed Services Committee, has served as a member of several government commissions, including the investigation of the l998 embassy bombings in East Africa chaired by Admiral William Crowe. She is the author of numerous books and articles about the politics of national security and teaches at Georgetown University and the University of Pittsburgh's Graduate School of Public and International Affairs.

    Working Group Members

    Mr. Frank Anderson CIA (Ret.)
    Mr. Graeme Bannerman Bannerman and Associates
    The Hon. Hattie Babbitt Jennings, Strouss & Salmon P.L.C.
    Mr. Jeremy Bash House permanent Select Committee on Intelligence
    Mr. James Beall Saint John's College
    Mr. Rand Beers National Security Network
    Ms. Kennette Benedict The Bulletin of Atomic Scientists
    The Hon. Lincoln Bloomfield Palmer Coates LLC
    Ms. Jan Cartwright Georgetown
    Mr. Joseph Cirincione Center for American Progress
    Dr. Chester A. Crocker ISD
    The Hon. Robert J. Einhorn CSIS
    Mr. Paul Frandano CIA
    The Hon. Robert Gallucci Georgetown
    Col. Jack Gill National Defense University
    Dr. Michael Green Georgetown, CSIS
    The Hon. Karl Inderfurth George Washington University
    Mr. David Kanin CIA
    Mr. David Kay Potomac Institute for Policy Studies
    Dr. Alexander T.J. Lennon Washington Quarterly, CSIS
    Mr. Ed Levine Senate Foreign Relations Committee
    The Hon. Samuel W. Lewis ISD
    Mr. Douglas MacEachin CIA (Ret.)
    Maj. Gen. William L. Nash (Ret.) Council on Foreign Relations
    Ms. Polly Nayak Independent Consultant
    Gen. William Odom Hudson Institute
    Dr. Gordon Oehler Potomac Institute for Policy Studies
    Mr. Daniel B. Poneman The Scowcroft Group
    Mr. Bruce Riedel Brookings Institution
    Mr. Alan D. Romberg Henry L. Stimson Center
    The Hon. Howard B. Schaffer ISD
    Mr. James Seevers ISD
    Dr. Jennifer Sims Georgetown
    Dr. John D. Steinbruner University of Maryland
    Mr. Robert Walpole CIA
    Mr. Marv Weinbaum Middle East Insitute
    Dr. Christine Wing Center for International Cooperation
    Mr. Casimir Yost ISD